National Awakening–Indian National Congress
The most important phenomenon in New India is the growth of a national consciousness, which ultimately found active expression in the formation of the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and other bodies of the kind. Various factors contributed to the development of this national awakening, which was based upon two fundamental principles, viz. the unity of India as a whole and the right of her people to rule themselves.
As with all great national movements, e.g. the French Revolution, there was an intellectual background to this political regeneration. In a previous chapter we have traced the growth of English education in India. It is a matter of common knowledge that a tremendous wave of liberalism was passing over English politics and literature during the nineteenth century. By the study of English literature and European history educated Indians imbibed the spirit of democracy and national patriotism which England unequivocally declared to be her political ideals. Further, the promotion of these sentiments was deliberately encouraged by the liberal statesmanship, which England at first displayed in her policy towards India and other dominions.
From the very beginning the British Government publicly declared its liberal policy towards India. The Charter Act of 1813 definitely laid it down that “it is the duty of this country to promote the interest and happiness of the native inhabitants of the British dominions in India”. This was not only corroborated but even further elucidated by the Parliamentary Committee of 1833 when it laid down “the indisputable principle that the interests of the native subjects are to be consulted in preference to those of Europeans whenever the two come in competition”. Finally came the Queen’s Proclamation of 1858 in which she declared that “We hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our other subjects”.
The pronouncement of Queen Victoria acquired a special significance for Indians in view of the democratic constitution granted to Canadian subjects during her reign, followed by similar measures of self-government conceded to other colonies in subsequent times.
All these causes created new aspirations in the minds of educated Indians. They had great faith in the liberal statesmen of Britain and their sense of justice and fair play. They thought that as soon as the Indians could make up a good case and present it well, nothing would be wanting on the part of British liberals to meet their reasonable demands.
The first concrete demand was naturally one for a larger admission of Indians to the higher ranks of the Civil Service. The Civil Service was the “steel-frame” of British administration, and Macaulay did not very much exaggerate the fact when he said in the House of Commons that “even the character of the Governor General was less important than the character and spirit of the servants by whom the administration of India was carried on”. It was obvious to educated Indians that the first step to secure a real and legitimate share in the management of the administration was to get into the higher ranks of the Civil Service in steadily increasing numbers.
A definite pledge was given by the Charter Act of 1833 that no Indian “shall by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour or any of them be disabled from holding any office or employment under the Company”. This was reiterated in the Queen’s Proclamation of 1858 and the Indian Civil Service Act of 1861. In spite of these promises there was plainly visible a growing reluctance on the part of the British Government to admit Indians in large number to the Civil Service. The failure to fulfil the pledges so repeatedly given is admitted by British statesmen themselves. “Lord Houghton observed that the declaration which stated that the Government of India would be conducted without reference to differences of race, was magnificent but had hitherto been futile.” That the Government did not choose to carry out this policy is admitted by no less an authority than Lord Lytton (I), the Governor- General. In a confidential despatch on this subject, he stated that “all means were taken of breaking to the heart the words of promise they had uttered to the ear”.
It is easy to imagine the feelings of English-educated Indians, who had pinned their faith on the liberalism and the sense of justice of English statesmen. There was profound disappointment and a rude disillusionment followed by feelings of bitter resentment. Soon incidents occurred which changed the passive discontent into an active agitation.
These incidents were connected with the appointment of Mr. Surendranath Banerjea to the I.C.S. Although he proved successful in the competitive examination, attempts were made to remove his name from the list. Ultimately the name was restored by a writ of Mandamus in the Queen’s Bench, and W. Banerjea was appointed to the I.C.S., but he was soon dismissed from the Service on grounds, which are now regarded as inadequate.
The man who was thus denied an opportunity to serve the British Government was destined to be the leader of the great national movement in India. He took to public life and on 26th July, 1876, founded the Indian Association of Calcutta, which, to use the language of its founder, ” was to be the centre of an All-India movement” based on “the conception of a united India, derived from the inspiration of Mazzini”. It was an organisation of the educated middle class with a view to creating public opinion by direct appeals to the people. Mr. Banerjea’s great opportunity came when in 1877 the maximum age-limit for the Civil Service Examination was reduced from twenty-one to nineteen. This created a painful impression throughout India, and was regarded as a deliberate attempt to blast the prospects of Indian candidates for the Indian Civil Service. The Indian Association organised a national protest against the reactionary measure. A big public meeting was held in Calcutta and Mr. Banerjea led a whirlwind campaign, holding similar meetings at Agra, Lahore, Amritsar, Meerut, Allahabad, Delhi, Cawnpore, Lucknow, ‘Aligarh and Benares. The nature and object of these meetings is thus described by Mr. Banerjea:
